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tv   Key Capitol Hill Hearings  CSPAN  May 6, 2014 4:30am-8:01am EDT

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i don't speak on behalf of the german government. i don't want to be misunderstood. i speak as a private citizen. i believe we did not pay enough attention to financially and economically to the challenges of our eastern neighbors. we should have acted long before russia started to think about crimea or long before they began to explode about how to help stabilize the country that has had a history for two decades of not really making its way forward as we were hoping to. what was the other part of your question? >> [inaudible] >> i think that does it. >> the gentleman in the blue
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sweater. >> the question is on the 25of may, the european election. on the second day ukraine with the referendum, how do you think we could help them just to add free e elections with the situation. >> if i may say. could do very middle in the ukraine. the security station, the civilian with the kinds of elections there or not. and the targets of hidden
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intervention. the results in general but in the rest of ukraine, decided there would be a lot of observers on the european institutions. that we can expect elections. >> right here, the gentleman, and then the lady behind him. >> i am from the committee of nato. wlodzimierz cimoszewicz, when he became minister of the russian federated socialist republic, one of your speeches was in washington at the center for strategic and international studies which i had the honor of hearing you and you laid out your plan so that if the soviet union were unfortunately to break up you would prevent it becoming a nuclear yugoslavia and a terrible civil war. i was stunned that you would
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imagine to achieve peace in such conditions and more stunned that you did it cheese it and the entire world and the russian people owe you a great debt of gratitude for that achievement and you are not as honored as you well deserves. history should note your important role especially now when vladimir putin is beginning to assume the role and undo the tremendous work for your people. that is not my question but i do think we deserve, you deserve that honor and appreciation. my question is about the lack of deeds connected with words you brought up. mr. gorbachev when he was still president was discussing the unification of germany. i won't talk about the myths we promised nato we would never move east. ambassador matlock has refuted that. gorbachev of did raise the question shouldn't russia join nato also and james baker mened him and one of the great acts of
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the states then admitted having made a mistake, later regretted that and said he should not have done that, should have engaged gorbachev on that question. one of the first acts of the boris yeltsin government in 1991 was to raise the question of nato membership, the foreign ministry later said it was a miss translation but foreign ministry officials assured me it was a true translation that just had to withdraw because it had a political embarrassment for boris yeltsin and for you personally. i am wondering how much damage has been done by lack of engagement with russia on the question of serious integration of russia and its interests with nato. [beeping sound] >> i cannot agree more with your statement, thank you so much.
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secondly, i agree with the assumption of your question, yes. that is the point and that is where technically i agree and president clinton -- president putin when he said what was that? clear -- i would put it in a way if you read my memoir when someone publishes my memoir, progress in turn, want russia to become a western democracy, all in the -- not only russian elite going into miami but as the diplomats, a practitioner, i met with a lot of confusing signals from nato all the time. the prime minister said that is interesting. the prime ministers said they
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believe partnership for peace was instead of membership. if they believed in all of that, how much in russia, in the kremlin, especially hard liners tended to believe it. the so-called declaration was signed by my successor who was told kgb hand, and by that time everything was lost, every opportunity we know was closed for domestic reasons. but he believed when he signed this declaration of nato russia partnership in 1997-98 which nato lowered it for, action will be came home and said publicly at that they promised him that
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underlying declaration was the promise of nato not to expand to former soviet space, baltic states so president putin, his adviser, tended to believe that he was deceived by the declaration. we could not find any record of any promises to gorbachev that nato would not expand for instance to eastern he germany. we could not find somebody find it but we have no record, no records of them, but gorbachev apparently thinks to believe still today that he had such a promise and boris yeltsin believed he had a promise and to detail how he was led to believe
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that, that partnership for peace instead of nato with the first step which i knew because christopher and western european colleagues spend time to explain that to me. they failed to tell president yeltsin at that time. that brings me back to my point. it is not enough for the west to be on the right side of history. it is important, but they should speak in clear terms. that is what russians deserved, what vladimir putin deserves, what the russian parliament deserves, what ukranian people in particular today because they are suffering, they are in the
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war. they deserve very very clear message and the message which needs to end because somebody said something to somebody, somebody hints we will go very far in giving your protection from subversive operations and that does not happen, that might spell in blood because people start fighting, believing there's somebody behind them like those so-called pro russian militia. they are fighting be leaving the army stands ready on the border which is probably true. i tend to believe that it is true. that is one thing.
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the other is thing if you promise something to people and then fail better not promise. they won't do it themselves. i am pretty sure the russian people said its final word yet, there will be a democratic revolution or a continuation of the democratic process in russia sooner or later maybe after oil prices go a little down because that could buy everything including former chancellor. >> we have time for one -- >> we will do it ourselves but don't deceive people. >> we have time for one but let's take two and we will get the panel to adjust. the young ladies fare and the woman here in blue. >> my name is laura. >> told the mic closer.
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>> my question is in light of the ukraine crisis, it is pointed to weakness in the security plan that the west end of the nail and also indicated russia still has influence in many countries, the caucus and eastern europe, so in light of that, what should they go do to ensure and reinforce the territorial integrity of countries like ukraine, they have proven they are nato allies? >> we will take the second question as well. >> northrop grumman corp.. apparently russia has called for u.s. security council meeting today to discuss ukraine. my question is simple. what can they hope to gain from this move? apparently the u.s. doesn't support it. >> who would like to tackle these two questions? jamie? >> we have to be clear.
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when it comes to nato the security guarantee fair nato members, to join nato, ukraine is not a nato ally. it is a close partner concentrated in all of nato's operations and therefore we are treating it seriously. i said in answer to a previous question we have teams in ukraine, helping them with defense reform, restructuring with reform of the television services and all kinds of things pointing to what we need to do to help ukraine, very strong partnership with georgia, ambassadors of the north atlantic's council, we hope we are upgrading relations so those partners are receiving assistance from nato but we have to be clear the article v
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altercation extends only to nato allies and that is what we're doing when it comes to the reassurance package. one other point. russia has to play a role in reassuring countries of central and eastern europe. this is my last intervention, president yeltsin used to threaten these countries regarding consequences of nato membership and made clear their sovereignty in terms of this was limited, russia had a say in security affairs throwing them into the arms of nato, became even more for membership but russia wants to stay in the neighborhood, doesn't have to see it terms of you are our enemy. it has to involve an approach to security as well and played starting reassurance. that is not what vladimir putin
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is doing. >> and 11. >> as a footnote to jamie's reply, in my view, when russia has been doing in recent days and weeks is not a demonstration of russian strength. it is more to me a demonstration of russian weakness. thing for a moment what russia has already lost, colossal losses, loss of trust by all its neighbors if president who now believes this is the way to build the union of which he dreams, good luck. i imagine many others who are leading countries neighboring to russia will now think again how to buy some kind of reinsurance against possible russian
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ambitions. i think in terms of russian strategy i am not impressed that this is an expression of strength. i believe it is really weakening russia also because of disastrous economic consequences which these actions are going to produce. >> because we have to end now i will address your question about the meeting russia has called for. i have no idea. haven't checked my blackberry or my iphone in the next hour but we saw the geneva meeting, russia will participate and perhaps instigate certain diplomatic meetings and discussions and even agreements and i think it is an open question right now about the level of sincerity or whether that is simply a diversion or away of keeping -- staying engaged in the conversation and continuing to do what it wants to on the ground.
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that is a growing feeling within certainly failure of the syria peace talks that in the administration, not speaking for myself but people i interviewed and talked to is that there's a sense that some of these are faint maneuvers and meanwhile russia continues to create effects on the ground. i want to thank our terrific panel. some many terrific perspectives and added a great deal to this conversation and thank you all for your questions and we will leave it there. [applause] [inaudible conversations] >> on c-span2 this morning remarks by german chancellor angela merkel, then the defense department's federal advisory committee examination of sexual
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assault in the military. wife at 10:00 eastern the senate returns for work and energy savings and industrial competitiveness act sponsored by senators jean jean of new hampshire and rob portman of ohio. >> top officials from all branches of the military will be on capitol hill this morning for and hearing on military compensation. we bring you live coverage of the senate armed services committee hearing and 9:30 eastern on our companion network c-span2. -- c-span3. >> officials from the state, treasury and defs from the stat treasury and defense departments discuss russia's intervention in ukraine today, testifying before the senate foreign relations committee. you can see it live at 3:00 p.m. eastern on c-span3. >> c-span's newest book sundays at 8:00, a collection of
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interviews with the nation's top story tellers. >> the reason i did this report is when she arrived in berlin with the family, she was in love with the nazi revolution. you wasn't rolled by the nazis which struck me as complete the surprising thing given we all know in hindsight. how can you be enthralled with the nathe f revolution but ther she was. >> erik larsen, one of 41 unique voices from 25 years and book notes and q&a conversations. c-span sundays at 8:00 published by public affairs books available at your favorite book seller. german chancellor angela merkel was in washington last week for meetings with president obama. she also spoke at the u.s. chamber of commerce on the importance of a u.s./europe trade agreement. this is about an hour.
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>> ladies and gentlemen, please welcome her excellency, angela merkel, chancellor of the federal public of germany. [applause] >> angela merkel, distinguished guests, ladies and gentlemen, welcome to the chamber of commerce of the united states. 9 name is tom donahue, i am
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president and ceo of this fine institution. of the to welcome those of the visiting our place for the first time. this is a 102-year-old organization, it is essential rallying point for the u.s. business community. we host several hundred meetings here in this room alone every year. larue in we are gathered in today, international hall of flags is rich in symbolism and history. it takes its name after is the overhead banners of 12 great explorers who blazed the first halves of trade. they planted the first seeete o commercial and industrial growth in the new wort d. these flags remind us the trans-atlantic relationship has been around for a long time.
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today we are reminded how essentials this relationship is. strong u.s. alliance is critical to global st.s.ility, peace and freedom. this has been proven time and time again throughout recent . istory but the world is a changing and the trans-atlantic partners are being tested in new and difficult ways. we face competitors who are vying for natural resources, d stman talent, markets, econom, geopolitical influence. to meet these challengess we ngust step uansand offers stron smart and positive global leadership in congress, diplomacy, geopolitics, security, advocacy of our most cherished values.
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if we do not, others will fill that void. this brings me to our special guest, angela merkel. since she assumed the office in 2005, she is not only revitalized germany's massive economy, the largest in europe, the third largest in the world but has put u.s./german relations on a sounder footing. just as importantly, she has displayed exemplary leadershians on tran in atlantic issues, in particular she has been a forceful proponent of the tran in atlantic trade and investment partnership which will set the gold standard for trade and investment agreements. ttip will ensure the free flow of capital talent, goods and beeta and it will ensure a more level playing field by reforming
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procurement rules, protecting intellectual property and fostering regulatory cooperation. here at the chamber, we are right with the chancellor on the importance of this agreement where we are pressing for its adity,ncements everybeey in washington. we will hold four global conferences in key countries including germany to demonstrate the business community's unity on this important ttip. angela merkel clearly understands that we need prosperity to pay for security and without security we can't have prosperity. ttip is critical to strengthening the economic foundation of our alliance and it is critical to demonstrating our glweeal leadership. some have suggested europe needs this trade agreement more than the uperited states does and th is funbeemental nonsense. let me be crystal clear.
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america neeete europe and we ned this agreement. cor our own economy and to strengthen the partnership that has done more than any other to advance the cause of prosperity, liberty and peace in the wort d. the world is watching is om moscow to beijing the actions of the trans-atlantic partners are being othrutiperigreatdour meryh why today is the time of uncertainty there are some things we can be sure of. when the united states and the e.u. act together we make a tremendous difference in world affairs. we can be certain expanding our commerheyal relationship is key to our ability to exert global influence and we can be certain angela merkel will continue to provide real leadership and commitment to a stronger and deeper trans the netlantic
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partnership. i had the honor of seeing the chancellor on the opening day of the world's largest industrial fair in hanover last month when she spoke out stronand this relationship. it is my great pleasure to welcome her back to the u.s. chamber of commerce. we are all looking forward to hearing her message. ladies and gentlemehea the chancellor of germa, s, angela merkel. [applause] >> [speaking german] >> translator: ladies and gentlemen, i am delighted to be back in washington tobeey and h will be delighted to be here as
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a guest. able to sport of look how teslosely the uperited states o america and europe are linked and provide social context, political and economic. the trans the netlantic relatio rests on shared values and shared interests. only to get there can we master the great economic and political challenges in this globaligreat wort d of today. 1/4 of a century ago, 25 years ago the berlin wall fell. the two blof ths that was prevalent in the days of the cold war came to an end and even talks about an end of history as we know it but at the latest with the crisis in ukraine, 25 years after the phtwar onyer put in to question. postwar order based on the
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acceptance of the principle of territorial intlesrity and 50 years after the end of the second world war borders in europe are again changed by someone in putting the strong against the strenprosph of the lower end and a former seems to carry the day at least for the short-term as we were .s.le to see due to the annexation of the crimean peninsula but i am absolutely cona nced in the long one the rule of law will prevail but we need to be in it for the long haul and we also need dissemination refor1 s to pursue a trans-atlantic partnership and ourour malues and interests and what we believe in. since the beginning of the crisis in ukraine both europe and the uperited states togethe have resolve to stand up for a democratic onyer that is in
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keeping with the rule of law. we are guided by the president of ukraine and the ukraiperian people and we think they ougr: to decide their own future on their own. this gsugs for the constitution of the country and also the social orientation of the country until the resolution to the crisis is and remains open between us and russia. submission chelation u c1 haine however be nkrther destabilize all of the partners in europe and the uperited states will no be weak in their resolve to about further sanctions. i discussed this issue with president obama in our talks. the most important event of the elections on a an th of may whih tbe settlement of this
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conflict. which right now i think we ought to give negotiations a chance. the civil war that has raged in syria for three horrible years also calls upon us to stand together, the humanitarian catastrophe claimed the lives of 140,000 people already, millions
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of people turned into refugees, stability and the neighboring countries and the whole region is called into question and we want to accept the status of this. germany is participating in the national protection mission that is to destroy the inhumane chemical weapons. and a number of chemical substances rendered unusable in germany. we cannot and must not accept the tragedy because the human rights and human dignity, individual freedom and will of law is the foundation on which countries on both sides of the atlantic rest and this is the foundation that supports those debates who are not in agreement and partnership is put to the test as regarding the debate of
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a collection of data about the nsa in germany and other countries. anyone in political responsibility is more than aware of the fact the work of intelligence agencies is absolutely indispensable to secure safety and freedom of our people but we are responsible for the protection of citizens against a terrorist threat. we are also responsible for attacks against the privacy of our individual citizens in tune with shared values of freedom and democracy. we all know that there has always been in conflict with each other and this is all the more important to strike a balance and be defined by balance between individual rights and protection and security and safety and even more true today with the digital revolution.
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these two aspects are rebalance time and again and citizens are expecting from the senate things like the state needs to abide by the principle of proportionality in all aspects. it is and gentlemen, let's be blunt about this. the past few months we have seen considerable differences of opinion and interests between germany and the united states over this issue and we will not have fully overcome this until later. we cannot action will be come to reconciliation by context between the intelligence community. we need to enter a political dialogue where we hear about dramatic changes for the digital revolution not only on the intelligence work but also generally bound on the changes this means for our society, the way we do business, our politics and we agree as a first step in initiating a dialogue between
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two countries and gratified to note this. we also need to be clear that it is a very ambitious project to tap the potential of international data flows. to see to it that we continue to be in a position to protect the freedom of the individual but this is what democracy is about, protecting individual rights, dignity of man and the safety and security so in one word in a nutshell the end never justifies the means and not everything feasible what to be done. we discussed the balance between freedom of security and the rights of the individual. it is the debate that is on going back home and also the debate going on here and between europe and the united states but in spite of all the differences i continue to abide by the
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principle that europe, germany and the united states could not wish for a small reliable partner respectively, then we have this juncture. the trans-atlantic alliance is of prime importance to all of us and this is the basis for close economic cooperation that secure 50 million jobs on both sides of the atlantic so for the prosperity german companies omaha and created more than 600,000 jobs over here and american companies and their affiliates created 800,000 jobs as of now and the u.s. chamber of commerce is an eloquent testament to these very close integrations about two economic area this. the world since my last visit
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the changed incredibly, you have more of a political and economic weight of matching the economy's and on the other hand the global financial and economic crisis has impaired programs and growth with a lasting impact. globally we see growth which is something we are pleased about, growth of 3.6% and 3.9%. this must not -- just as other industrialized countries we are still facing very grave challenges. we have far too much -- unemployment in many countries. and increasing competition on
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global markets and a continued vulnerability of the global financial system. we will only be able to master those challenges if we continue to work closely on the basis of the trans-atlantic relations and also the imf, world trade organization, the framework of g7, and 2007, and a trans-atlantic economic council was established not only in important areas, intellectual ability, and a smooth corp. to the business community, and prove to be the nucleus of a project that at the time was considered a token by many. the project to take up
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negotiations on the trans-atlantic trade agreement. and the trans-atlantic investment trade partnership and its is indeed a key project of the trans-atlantic corporation. it will draw the two economic areas, europe and the united states, closer to each other. very grateful to you for mentioning both to promote this in the european union and the united states, already have a very close network of free trade agreements, further negotiations take pace with other countries and i really think we ought to be able to forge a trans-atlantic free trade area between us. on our behalf we want to make
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this in 2015, a very clear signal of our resolve to draw down barriers to trade in a comprehensive way and very important impetus to the global economy as a whole. to be ambitious and very comprehensive. and we want to draw down still existing customs barriers between the european union and the united states is still in place but no longer in keeping with the times and do more as we go non-tariff, they ought to be drawn down, over many decades on both sides, there have been a number of standards and regulations that have been promoted and put in place and do to this duplication of regulation on both sides of the atlantic that were not reflected by benefits to our citizens
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incidentally, high costs far incurred to the business community and the german company that wants to export machinery to the united states, and register individual components from cables to safety valves and development so that they correspond to u.s. certifications although in many cases the function of these individual components is identical. it is the first opportunity that is opening up that is free of money that can then be invested in future looking economy is but we must go beyond reducing the traditional barriers to trade. for example, the liberalized benefits and public procurement processes, we want to develop
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future oriented technologies, innovative technologies and include as a means more than we have done hitherto because particularly small and medium-sized companies have a hard time trying to access the market. for small or medium-sized breweries from germany for example because of the high tariffs and very difficult consumer protection laws it is difficult for them to find the yen. are you tempted to say you don't know what you are missing to them. ladies and gentlemen, looking at the negotiations, we not only concentrate on boosting the competitiveness of our company, just as important to see that those employments and particularly on both sides are also benefiting from this
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because the joint trans-atlantic area and to a broader range of products. under the auspices of the trans-atlantic economic council we have always come to an agreement on mutual recognition of environmentally sound processes in shade and these things that have been made much easier and many citizens in europe and the united states and negotiation this that are critical. these negotiations can only be brought to a conclusion if we show a very high degree of transparency and also if we end the supported participation on that and both partners in the negotiations made it very clear that a free-trade agreement could lead to the drawdown of rules that protect the interests
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of consumers or people at work and the environment. there will be of we rate for future regulations because it is not the aim of the free-trade agreement to give prominence to the interests of companies like the interests -- the aim is to learn, to be in close dialogue of promoting new standards towards improving the only thing after the proposed line. if we are able to do that we will also be able, the two of us together, to set global standoff for consumer protection because we were able to do that, we are an economic power. at the parliament we can wheels global notations. partners in the wto watching with great attention. i can assure you our aim is and
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remains to come to as comprehensive a drawdown in the framework of wto, and negotiations for the better opportunity. i am convinced that any progress we make in teaching will reduce prospects for coming to a settlement but increase it and has shown there seems to be a new spirit with the wto and the european union had a very large share in the success that was profitable in body so it is not at all as if the bilateral engagement would lead us to neglect bilateral intentions. ladies and gentlemen, trade policy can only be one building block of a comprehensive strategy to relieve the forces for growth in our country's.
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four other areas need to to come in to play. bug public budgets need to be put on not sound, sustainable level. the debt crisis we see in the euro area have shown us very clearly that durable prosperity can only happen on the basis of sound fiscal policy. this in coping with the crisis in the euro area we made important progress. for example by adopting new roles with states voluntary union and important support programs for countries in need and building up a banking union at the european level but we know at the same time said the european crisis and the sovereign debt crises has not yes overcome in a lasting way. the mistakes that were made 20 years ago in the european monetary union were not completely redress on this.
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objective needs must never see such a crisis repeat itself again in the euro area. consolidating public luncheons is a long-lasting exercise that goes to many countries in europe but also goes to another part of europe such as the u.s. and japan. this after all is also part of your public debate in your country of and japan. and the structure to be formatted in europe and the u.s. are facing great challenges, the labor market, the vocation area, creating the most positive environment for innovation, but the basic task we need to face is virtually the same phase, rendering companies capable of holding their own in a global competition. europe and america can benefit a lot from each other and learn from each other and so europe and the u.s. for example and
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germany can learn a lot from the united states and giving speed bunny to innovative companies and i am pleased that the good experience for durable training scheme, looks at favor of the year on the americas as well. what is important is in that point, very interested in the u.s.. ought to give us an opportunity, and corp. in europe, and given natural energy, in the trans-atlantic partnership.
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and with still, particularly in key 20 and had way. considerable need for further reform. very much interested, and more regulations, and institution to get into difficulties. and also without taxpayers' money. and all of these security policy challenges, only be -- convince to add together. crucial key to peace, freedom,
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security and prosperity. it is particularly this year, 2014, we are more -- 100 years after the beginning of the first world war, 75 years after the beginning of the second world war, 25 years after the fall of the berlin wall. we must never forget what a treasure for both peace and freedom for peace in freedom, what a treasure it is, feels committed to cherish this treasure, politically and economically in germany and in the united states, this is what this great trans-atlantic partnership is all about. thank you for your attention. [applause]
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>> that was wonderful. so now a great chance to answer a few questions. i will start to give everybody a chance to get settled and i am really very interested, for a message from you on the practical things that the business community in this country in the business community in europe can do on their own to go out and drive us closer to this agreement. >> i think that at the end of the day the business community feels committed to this game.
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at any rate a lot of support, i have seen this in tech as well. companies reach also those people who see so much concern, who are skeptical so i ask you to talk to their own labour force, company's stock to their own labour force and bring home to them who already has such free trade agreements. and also -- indonesia for example free trade agreement with china and many others of this kind of. it is not trying to cut down what can be achieved. trying to secure the future of what has window in our country,
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in germany for example it will be important to talk to the trade unions because they too are able to do quite a lot of people they talk to. out of the box if you like, only with your own people, they know your viewpoint anyway but go and talk to the public and bring it to an audience and companies have a hard time. they are obviously trying to look after their own ventures. we have seen that in organizations in korea for example, the german automotive industry, that is also the case with japan and said what will this mean for us, south koreans are able to penetrate the markets. it is interesting south korean trade agreement is in place. german automotive suppliers have enormous growth rate for supplies of auto parts in south
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korea. the opposite of what they feared has come to pass and that is what the automotive industry in general needs to see in general, we need to experience free trade agreements to revive business. >> we have been told by our labor unions that for years whenever we are negotiating to negotiate labor standards that very much like european standards so we have been telling labor unions we have got that done now so support that agreement and we will continue to remind them. one more question and we will go to the audience. in recent days in meetings here, meetings we had with others.
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we talked about the effect of circumstances in the ukraine, on the negotiation of this trade agreement. will it impede it or stimulates it and perhaps even move it faster? >> translator: it is not going to get any more difficult. whether it gets easier is something the jury is still out on. on energy it may well have a very positive effect. that is where we see possibly the greatest benefits. what we are currently talking about, what lessons we learn, particularly in washington i understand you are talking a lot about the next sanction, the next possible step and we ought
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to join forces, and saying bring about a good solution for the ukrainian people, sanctions will never be an end in themselves. we should not underestimate present sanctions taking the fact, have an effect and they haven't effected that goes beyond the sanction proper. right now economic areas such as russia, basically always seem to be moving up, getting more intensive, getting better is called into question and the question whether a company would actually invest in men today in russia, into the future, that is something i think they would have second thoughts about. the second thing, we in europe have a sanction that takes effect, they will work for six months but in europe, there will be a rethink on for example
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their own energy supply so that we don't want to continue to be 100% dependent on russia so it may well be that long term, looking at the energy supply also in the united states we may have closer cooperation with you and people have to be told if we don't have the free trade agreement will take a very long time indeed to before we can have deliveries of liquefied natural gas. when we have a fee trade agreement, strategic goods to as much easier, towards convincing european countries. >> this is a very unique sitting arrangement because usually i can see over the lights and because of all the press, we have extra lights so we are going to on the people in the first few rows here we like to
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listen system questions we're going to have to put you on your best honor because i am not sure -- i can see you. who would have the first question? >> i will tell you. >> going once. better put your hand up for i am going to start for the next question. overs there, thank you very much. by the way, thomas donohue's rules are when you stand up you introduce yourself and where you are from so the chancellor might know what you really want to ask. si >> translator: i will do it in german. i am from berlin so thank you very much for your very clear words. you were mentioning there are certain discussions, and reservations particularly on lowering standards and other issues that are mentioned, something that is talked about at home and the like of
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transparency, but also the other settlement scheme, that is discussed in a very conversational manner. what is your position on this? >> you know that we were as regards to the mandate reacting throughout this particular area of investor protection. it is being blown out of proportion and discussed by the european union so that a wave stands for something we need to do more. we need to do more, we can do without this. is not needed. if needed we need to do it. there are individual components right now my people want to
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prove their something dear to our hearts and padded by disagreement. if you talk to people about many free trade agreements we already have with other countries, that goes a long way towards addressing such skepticism but we must be aware that during the negotiating process people tend to highlight different aspects and explain something horrible. they have a high degree of skepticism regarding the project. we need to be very transparent, we need to claim more, negotiations cannot be happening at an open stage, one has to protect one's own interests. one should not be too secretive about it either so that people are worried about withholding something from that and the end, we will come but anyway so again, try and say there are other trade agreements compared
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with them and tell people you were fearful than and these were not justified. >> right there. >> bill lane with caterpillar. the history of sanctions are pretty clear. of the sanctions are truly multilateral there's a chance of success. if sanctions are unilateral companies or countries often try to gain the system to win temporary advantage at the expense of companies that are under great restrictions. where we stand today is the u.s. has more strict sanctions than other countries. how can the united states and germany be on the same page with the same sanctions so that we have a chance to really make a
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difference with truly multilateral sanctions where the major countries have the same restrictions on their companies so that there really was a chance to move forward? >> translator: or with destabilizing ukraine. and in the context of sanctions with regard to iran, we've always seen that


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